WHAT TO DO BUT LAUNCH A COUP

The final straw for the non-believers came in
November 2013 when Yingluck attempted
to pass a broad amnesty bill that would, in
effect, allow Thaksin to return to Thailand
where he would not face any charges nor
serve the two years in prison that he was
sentenced to in absentia, and, most controversially,
have all his seized assets returned.
Anti-government protests quickly formed up
and down the country, especially in Democrat
stronghold areas like Bangkok and
Phuket, with pockets of protesters traveling
to Bangkok to join the street marches. Their
aim, as seen on various items of merchandise
made quickly available, was to Shut Down
Bangkok in order to Restart Bangkok.
SUTHEP STEPS UP
Former Democrat Party Secretary-
General Suthep Thaugsuban quickly
became a figurehead and spokesperson
for the anti-government protesters, and
later formed the People’s Democratic
Reform Committee (PDRC). Fearing
that the present government was so
WHAT TO DO BUT LAUNCH A COUP
corrupt that any elections or attempted
reforms would be rejected or dealt with
unfairly, he called for Yingluck to be
ousted in favor of installing an unelected
people’s council. His aims were dismissed,
mainly by outside foreign and
international observers, as fanciful and
unrealistic. Despite this, Suthep and the
protesters, clad in merchandise emblazoned
with the Thai fl ag, continued
marching every day, whistles blowing.
Donations were collected, often by
Suthep himself, which went to cover
the cost of providing food and water
for the faithful. Protesters set up camp
on the streets and even in Lumphini
Park and there were regular concerts
and speeches to boost morale.
In December 2013, Yingluck dissolved
the House of Representatives and scheduled
a general election for February
2014. She ignored plans to step down in
the interim, maintaining that it was her
duty to continue to lead the country as
a caretaker prime minister.
DON’T VOTE FOR
DEMOCRACY
In the run up to election day, February
2, anti-government protesters called on
the Thai people not to vote and on the
day itself blocked many polling stations,
preventing people from voting. They
feared that despite all their whistle
blowing, the vast majority of Thais (in
the rural north of Thailand at least)
would go ahead and vote in a party that
was sympathetic to the Red Shirt (Thaksin
Shinawatra) cause and all the marching
and blowing of whistles would have
been for nothing. It was a minor victory
for the PDRC but not for democracy,
as the elections were nullified in March.
This enraged pro-government supporters
and there were numerous Red Shirt
protests held in retaliation, mainly in the
north. As the weeks progressed, there
were also mounting rumors that the
protesters might be heading to Bangkok.
In the meantime, skirmishes between
protesters and riot police in the capital
had turned violent, leading to 28 deaths,
including those of two child protesters.
Each group blamed the another and
accused the police of siding with the
opposing faction.
IT’S NOT A COUP (REALLY...)
Something had to be done. In May
2014, following six months of protests,
Yingluck and nine other ministers were
removed from office by the Constitutional
Court. A few weeks later, martial
law was imposed under a law promulgated
by King Rama VI almost a
hundred years earlier to the day.
Like many generals before him, General
Prayut Chan-o-cha, Commander of
the Royal Thai Army, launched a coup
d’état against the caretaker government.
The junta was known as the National
Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
From the outset, General Prayut was
quick to point out that what was taking
place was not a military coup in the
traditional sense of the word and there
would be no violence. In fact, he stated
that the coup was launched to prevent
the kind of violence that was being seen
at that time in Ukraine. Many Thais and